The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines B1. The Three Branches of Philippine Government (Weeks 10 to 11) Rebullida, Ma. “The Philippine Executive and Redemocratization”, in Philippine Politics and Governance: An Introduction. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem. Legislative Studies, Congressional Politics, Philippine government and politics, Political dynasties FOI Bill Melanie Viloria-Briones The Freedom of Information (FOI) bill is seen to be the bridge that will bring people to the realization that there is really transparency in the government.
- by Malcolm Cook
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ABSTRACT Despite the enactment of the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA) Law in 1997 which provides legal basis for ancestral domain claims for all IPs in the Philippines, and the defined power of National Commission on Indigenous... more
ABSTRACT
Despite the enactment of the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA) Law in 1997 which provides legal basis for ancestral domain claims for all IPs in the Philippines, and the defined power of National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), the laggardness of the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT) delineation and recognition process is still evident brought by the rigorous and tedious technical scheme that tend to be alien, intimidating, and incomprehensible to Indigenous Peoples.
This study seeks to assess the effectiveness of the CADT delineation and recognition process of the two Aeta communities - Sitio Kinaragan, Barangay Duale, and Sitio Aryada, Barangay Kitang 2 in the municipality of Limay Bataan; and Barangay Belbel, Barangay Burgos, Barangay Moraza, and Barangay Villar in the municipality of Botolan, Zambales. It aimed to examine the roles and functions of the concerned government agencies in the process namely: the National Commission on Indigenous People, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Department of Agrarian Reform, and Land Registration Authority. The research also discussed the factors and bottlenecks that affect the process, as well as, the problems and challenges dealt by both the government agencies and the Aeta communities. To achieve these objectives, the researchers used a qualitative approach through document analysis, interviews, and group discussion. Data triangulation was utilized to analyze the data obtained from the methods mentioned.
The research concluded that ideally, the CADT Delineation and Recognition process is effective. However, there are several factors that affect the CADT delineation and recognition process which made the process tedious, inefficient, and inconvenient.
The factors identified by the researchers are the enforcement of the process, private entities, political interference, leadership of the Aetas and the Aeta communities’ capacity. Both Aeta communities encountered problems in data and evidence gathering, although Aeta Zambal is geographical compared to Aeta Magbukon which is cultural. For the bottlenecks of the process, it was found out these were lack of funding, limited manpower, organizational structure reshuffle, and interagencies delay. Finally, DENR, DAR and LRA were recognized as having key roles to perform in the process with JAO as an imperative component for land registration to address overlapping jurisdictions.
Keywords: ancestral domains, delineation and recognition process, Aeta communities, Indigenous Peoples, NCIP
Despite the enactment of the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA) Law in 1997 which provides legal basis for ancestral domain claims for all IPs in the Philippines, and the defined power of National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), the laggardness of the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT) delineation and recognition process is still evident brought by the rigorous and tedious technical scheme that tend to be alien, intimidating, and incomprehensible to Indigenous Peoples.
This study seeks to assess the effectiveness of the CADT delineation and recognition process of the two Aeta communities - Sitio Kinaragan, Barangay Duale, and Sitio Aryada, Barangay Kitang 2 in the municipality of Limay Bataan; and Barangay Belbel, Barangay Burgos, Barangay Moraza, and Barangay Villar in the municipality of Botolan, Zambales. It aimed to examine the roles and functions of the concerned government agencies in the process namely: the National Commission on Indigenous People, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Department of Agrarian Reform, and Land Registration Authority. The research also discussed the factors and bottlenecks that affect the process, as well as, the problems and challenges dealt by both the government agencies and the Aeta communities. To achieve these objectives, the researchers used a qualitative approach through document analysis, interviews, and group discussion. Data triangulation was utilized to analyze the data obtained from the methods mentioned.
The research concluded that ideally, the CADT Delineation and Recognition process is effective. However, there are several factors that affect the CADT delineation and recognition process which made the process tedious, inefficient, and inconvenient.
The factors identified by the researchers are the enforcement of the process, private entities, political interference, leadership of the Aetas and the Aeta communities’ capacity. Both Aeta communities encountered problems in data and evidence gathering, although Aeta Zambal is geographical compared to Aeta Magbukon which is cultural. For the bottlenecks of the process, it was found out these were lack of funding, limited manpower, organizational structure reshuffle, and interagencies delay. Finally, DENR, DAR and LRA were recognized as having key roles to perform in the process with JAO as an imperative component for land registration to address overlapping jurisdictions.
Keywords: ancestral domains, delineation and recognition process, Aeta communities, Indigenous Peoples, NCIP
- by Lance Angelo Rivera
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Recently found in the archives of Manila letters of European Jews to the Philippine President applying for an entry visa, dated Spring-Summer 1939, indicate the timing of the short-lived Mindanao plan, which proposed to establish a Jewish... more
Recently found in the archives of Manila letters of European Jews to the Philippine President applying for an entry visa, dated Spring-Summer 1939, indicate the timing of the short-lived Mindanao plan, which proposed to establish a Jewish agricultural colony in the Philippines, but got stuck in the very beginning. The databases of Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington reveal the expected tragedy of the Philippine visa-seekers.
- by Ber Kotlerman
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- by Malcolm Cook
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- by Wildan Nugraha Nurdin Syah
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This paper argues that Rodrigo Duterte operates on a consistent internal logic, informed by Singaporean communitarianism as espoused by Singaporean sociologist Chua Beng Huat.
- by Alfonso Divinagracia
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- by Al Christian Agngarayngay
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- 4
Sa pagtatagpo ng internet meme culture at pulitikal na kaligiran ng Pilipinas, mahalagang maungkat ang pagkakabuo ng mga pulitikal na memes, masuri ang mga nilalaman nito, at mapag-aralan ang mga epekto’t implikasyon nito sa kamulatan ng... more
Sa pagtatagpo ng internet meme culture at pulitikal na kaligiran ng Pilipinas, mahalagang maungkat ang pagkakabuo ng mga pulitikal na memes, masuri ang mga nilalaman nito, at mapag-aralan ang mga epekto’t implikasyon nito sa kamulatan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino. Mahalaga ring malaman kung magiging isa bang mabisang salik ang political internet memes sa paghikayat sa mga gumagamit ng social media sites upang lumahok sa mga sosyo-pulitikal na diskusyon sa bansa, at kung konsiderable ba ang naiaambag nito sa political dynamics sa ating bansa.
- by Juris Justin
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A thought about Duterte’s administration and the future it may hold.
- by Acia _lee
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- by Joshua Neb Dalogdog
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This book offers a critical examination of ‘infrastructures for peace’, originally proposed as a framework of conflict transformation. Through an exploration of the statist ideological underpinnings of peace-building, it traces how the... more
This book offers a critical examination of ‘infrastructures for peace’, originally proposed as a framework of conflict transformation. Through an exploration of the statist ideological underpinnings of peace-building, it traces how the concept was transformed by institutional actors – international organisations and states – into a tool to further the state-building goals of liberal peace-building.
- by Balazs A Kovacs
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- by Melo Mar Cabello
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- 7
- by Jean-Noël Sánchez Pons
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- 7
Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member of the Philippine House of... more
Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1992 to 2016, we argue that while electoral persistence can be short run welfare enhancing by inducing legislative attention on particularistic policies, it is ultimately electoral competition and the prospect of ouster that determine overall legislative behavior. Using various measures of electoral competition, our panel estimates suggest that district incumbents who faced competitive elections, regardless of political pedigree, are more likely to work for the passage of their legislative proposals into legislation. The results lend credence to the disciplining effect of elections, even in precarious political settings where competition is between equally persistent political elites. Overall, incumbents who fought competitive elections are generally more likely to produce laws as a legislative preoccupation—a commitment they are likely to pursue even in the presence of institutional and political uncertainties.
Keywords: electoral accountability, House of Representatives, legislative policymaking, Philippine Congress, particularistic legislation
Keywords: electoral accountability, House of Representatives, legislative policymaking, Philippine Congress, particularistic legislation
- by Alicor Panao
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The Freedom of Information (FOI) bill is seen to be the bridge that will bring people to the realization that there is really transparency in the government. The bill is already at its neutral stage when the lower house finally granted... more
The Freedom of Information (FOI) bill is seen to be the bridge that will bring people to the realization that there is really transparency in the government. The bill is already at its neutral stage when the lower house finally granted the stamp of approval for its implementation. However, this state remained to be motionless at this stage. This scenario led the researcher to find out if there is still hope for the bill to be enacted as a law. FOI saga in the Philippines started in 1992 when a bill that mandates government officials “to process within 15 working days from receipt of (a request for) information was filed in Congress. It was followed by several FOI bills with different versions; but, to date, there is still no clear manifestation that it will already be implemented even if the incumbent administration included the passage of the FOI bill in its platform during the campaign period. Document analysis under analytical method of research was used in this study. Through exploratory approach, findings in this study revealed that president’s issuances, executive privilege, court’s decision, the inclusion of right of reply and lack of support from the President served as deterrents in the enactment of FOI. Thus, after its more than two decades of struggle in the Philippine legislature, FOI is still jammed as the red light is still on.
- by Dr. Melanie Briones
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As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo... more
As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines and the return to the ‘Asian Values’ of Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia.
The discursive strategy of Duterte and Mahathir against human rights ideas signifies a dangerous scorched-earth rhetoric. The crux of their criticisms is oriented towards the destruction of the very foundations of human rights virtues: universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence.
Populism viciously promotes the false consciousness that there can be political democracy and economic development even without human rights. As more people across the world are quickly swayed into this propaganda, whatever are left of the ideological and institutional gains that democratic forces have fought and died for during the long twentieth century are ruthlessly being destroyed.
There are vital lessons that a re-organized progressive movement can draw from the fundamental and tactical errors of the liberal tradition that has predominantly carried the human-rights banner.
- Link to the article: https://th.boell.org/en/2018/12/28/human-rights-against-populism-progressive-response-politics-duterte-and-mahathir.
- Link to the hbs-SEA special series on UDHR-70: https://th.boell.org/en/70-years-universal-declaration-human-rights-udhr.
The discursive strategy of Duterte and Mahathir against human rights ideas signifies a dangerous scorched-earth rhetoric. The crux of their criticisms is oriented towards the destruction of the very foundations of human rights virtues: universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence.
Populism viciously promotes the false consciousness that there can be political democracy and economic development even without human rights. As more people across the world are quickly swayed into this propaganda, whatever are left of the ideological and institutional gains that democratic forces have fought and died for during the long twentieth century are ruthlessly being destroyed.
There are vital lessons that a re-organized progressive movement can draw from the fundamental and tactical errors of the liberal tradition that has predominantly carried the human-rights banner.
- Link to the article: https://th.boell.org/en/2018/12/28/human-rights-against-populism-progressive-response-politics-duterte-and-mahathir.
- Link to the hbs-SEA special series on UDHR-70: https://th.boell.org/en/70-years-universal-declaration-human-rights-udhr.
- by Bonn Juego
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This case study is an analysis of the effectiveness of Project 'Double Barrel' in the Municipality of Rosario, La Union. The case study used the descriptive method of research with the use of a self-made validated questionnaire and... more
This case study is an analysis of the effectiveness of Project 'Double Barrel' in the Municipality of Rosario, La Union. The case study used the descriptive method of research with the use of a self-made validated questionnaire and documentary analysis. The case study is limited to August 16-17, 2016.
- by Maria Jesusa Pajarillo
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Abstract: Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will... more
Abstract:
Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will be developed. The first part of the presentation will elucidate the significant features of the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape in the Philippines, and conclude that the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy has been a spawning ground for the popularity of Duterte’s authoritarian politics. The second part will unpack the historical trajectory and prevailing institutions of Malaysia’s neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian political framework – which shall serve as initial conditions, normative indicators and benchmarks against which the promises for regime change of Mahathir and his Reformasi allies must be evaluated. Based on these studies in contemporary Southeast Asia, the seminar will comparatively reflect upon the contradictory trends of cases in which a democratic route has been taken to either legitimize or overcome authoritarianism.
Short bio:
Bonn Juego is postdoctoral researcher at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland, with interdisciplinary teaching responsibilities in the social, political and economic sciences of development issues. He is visiting fellow at SEARC, City University of Hong Kong during the autumn of 2018, and has held guest researcher positions at the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, and the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen. His recent publications and research endeavours are on contemporary Philippines and Malaysia, the political economy of the ASEAN Economic Community project, the challenge of right-wing populism and nationalism in Asia and Europe, the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism, and the new privatization of global development finance. His talk is based on two recent publications: “The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots” (Asia Maior, 2018) and “The Institutions of Authoritarian Neoliberalism in Malaysia: A Critical Review of the Development Agendas Under the Regimes of Mahathir, Abdullah, and Najib” (ASEAS, 2018).
Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will be developed. The first part of the presentation will elucidate the significant features of the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape in the Philippines, and conclude that the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy has been a spawning ground for the popularity of Duterte’s authoritarian politics. The second part will unpack the historical trajectory and prevailing institutions of Malaysia’s neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian political framework – which shall serve as initial conditions, normative indicators and benchmarks against which the promises for regime change of Mahathir and his Reformasi allies must be evaluated. Based on these studies in contemporary Southeast Asia, the seminar will comparatively reflect upon the contradictory trends of cases in which a democratic route has been taken to either legitimize or overcome authoritarianism.
Short bio:
Bonn Juego is postdoctoral researcher at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland, with interdisciplinary teaching responsibilities in the social, political and economic sciences of development issues. He is visiting fellow at SEARC, City University of Hong Kong during the autumn of 2018, and has held guest researcher positions at the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, and the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen. His recent publications and research endeavours are on contemporary Philippines and Malaysia, the political economy of the ASEAN Economic Community project, the challenge of right-wing populism and nationalism in Asia and Europe, the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism, and the new privatization of global development finance. His talk is based on two recent publications: “The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots” (Asia Maior, 2018) and “The Institutions of Authoritarian Neoliberalism in Malaysia: A Critical Review of the Development Agendas Under the Regimes of Mahathir, Abdullah, and Najib” (ASEAS, 2018).
- by Bonn Juego
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This talk was later published into an article: Juego, Bonn (2018) 'The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots,' in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164. (See -... more
This talk was later published into an article:
Juego, Bonn (2018) 'The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots,' in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164.
(See - https://www.academia.edu/36911234/The_Philippines_2017_Duterte-led_Authoritarian_Populism_and_Its_Liberal-Democratic_Roots)
Juego, Bonn (2018) 'The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots,' in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164.
(See - https://www.academia.edu/36911234/The_Philippines_2017_Duterte-led_Authoritarian_Populism_and_Its_Liberal-Democratic_Roots)
- by Bonn Juego
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- by Rommel Curaming
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- 2